Amlendu Bhushan Khan / New Delhi : In November 2001, when Ram Nath Kovind visited Paraukh, his ancestral village in the Kanpur Dehat district of Uttar Pradesh, the dominant Thakurs and Brahmins decided to express their gratitude to the son of the soil. They presented him with 12 precious mukuts (ceremonial crowns), 11 made of silver and one of gold.
A Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) Rajya Sabha MP then, Mr. Kovind, however, politely rejected the souvenirs. This came as no surprise to those who knew him. “That was typical of him: simple and selfless. He asked us to save the money and mukuts to fund the marriage of poor girls from the village,” fondly recalls Jaswant Singh, Mr. Kovind’s childhood friend.
Where does Ram Nath Kovind stand on issues related to prevalent caste discrimination against Dalits? This is a question that many have asked since the Dalit leader, a former parliamentarian and the current governor of Bihar, was nominated by the BJP as its presidential candidate.
A report by US embassy interlocutors titled Socioeconomic future of Indian dalits remains bleak, published by WikiLeaks, which analyses the issues of discrimination on the basis of various theories, makes Kovind’s positions clear.
The 2005 document shows that Kovind toed the the Sangh parivar’s political line, which prefers reforms in the caste hierarchy as entrenched in the Hindu puranic system, instead of a complete annihilation of caste as advocated by Indian leaders like B.R. Ambedkar.
Kovind, then the BJP’s Scheduled Caste Morcha’s chief, made it a point to disagree with S.K. Thorat, former UGC chairman and Dalit intellectual, and Udit Raj, then an independent Dalit leader and who is currently with the BJP.
Contradicting Thorat’s arguments, which were based on statistical observations, that wide-spread discrimination against Dalits persists in rural India, Kovind said that the practice has decreased considerably and even hiring personnel is usually free of caste prejudices.
Mr. Kovind’s visit more than 15 years ago is also memorable for other reasons. He inaugurated a common utility complex for residents to host events . The single-storey white plaster building, aptly named ‘Milan Kendra’, was constructed by him with his discretionary powers as an MP. But what made the building special was that it was built upon the ruins of Mr. Kovind’s ancestral house and dedicated to his father Maikulal, a landless Kori (Dalit) who ran a small kirana shop to make a living. Mr. Kovind donated the land to the community.
The house he was born in was a kuccha structure, which eventually collapsed. Since he and his immediate family had shifted to Delhi, Mr. Kovind thought it best to convert the space into a memorial. Today, the Milan Kendra is the most visible marker of the lawyer-turned-politician’s deep relationship with his roots. In fact, for Paraukh, Mr. Kovind’s nomination is not only a matter of joy and pride but the peak of his quiet yet steady journey from one of U.P.’s most neglected regions to the potential seat of Rashtrapati Bhavan.
Mr. Kovind was born in 1945 to a landless Kori (Dalit), Maikulal, who ran a small kirana shop to sustain his family. He was the youngest of five sons (he also had two sisters). But tragedy struck early in Mr. Kovind’s life as he was only five when his mother died of burn injuries when their thatched dwelling caught fire.
The personal loss along with infrastructural shortcomings made acquiring education a hard task. Raj Kishore Singh, a retired teacher, went to school with Mr. Kovind. Along with other village children, the two received primary education in the village school. But since it had no facilities for higher studies, the children had to travel each day to Khanpur village, 6 km away, to attend junior school. “We walked because back then the village hardly had roads and nobody here had a bicycle,” Mr. Singh said.
Though he always kept a low-profile, Mr. Kovind has had a steady march up in his political career, which started in 1991, culminating in his appointment to the Bihar Governor’s post a couple of years ago. His political success has altered the infrastructure of his native village.
Over the years, due to Mr. Kovind’s patronage, the village got connected to the nearest brick-klin by a link road; an RCC road was constructed; four power tubewells installed; an Inter-college set up after Dalit icon Jhalkari Bai; boundary wall of the junior school built and a branch of the SBI opened in the heart of the village.
“He took upon himself to repay the debt to his janmabhoomi. All the development took place only after Dadaji became MP,” said Niki Kovind, a final year B.A. student, and one of the many extended younger relatives of Mr. Kovind still living in the village.
Those close to him not only describe Mr. Kovind as a simple, social and humble person, they also talk fondly of his religious nature and knowledge. Shyam Mohan Dubey, a close aide and BJP member, says Mr. Kovind knows the Ramayana by heart.
Mr. Govind, perhaps, inherited this part of his character from his father who was also known to be religious.
“Maikulal would feed Brahmins while also distribute books with the chants of Ram Ram among children. It was his wish that a temple be built in the village and it was done after his death. He would an expert with ayurvedic herbs and treated villagers for free,” said Mr. Singh.
Despite, Mr. Kovind’s interventions, Paraukh still has a lot to look forward to in terms of development. Its medical infrastructure is in shambles. A hospital started to come up in 2011 but it was never completed. The nearest medical facility is in Derapur, 10 km away, but it provides only basic aid. For proper treatment, villagers have to travel 35 km to the district hospital in Kanpur.
Power supply is irregular. Light wind or heavy rain shuts down supply, residents complain. “If a transformer malfunctions, it’s like a nightmare, as it takes 15 days for it to get repaired, that too after paying bribes,” said Rahul Singh, a civil service aspirant.
Migration is high and labour and farmer are the primary source of livelihood. But irrigation facilities are not sufficient. Years of falling groundwater levels have fuelled a water crisis. “The village badly needs a water tank. The wells have dried over the past three-four years. Drinking water remains a problem. We hope and request Kovindji to open a factory here so hat our employment issues are addressed,” said Jaswant Singh.
Amit Singh Bhadauria, 20, joined the Army a year back. He says the village lacks opportunities to study or places to train. “The only ground, the field at the primary school, has no place to play. Animals stray on it. We can’t even draw a proper track for practice,” said Mr. Bhadauria.
The last time Mr. Kovind visited the village was on December 8, 2016. Ranbir Singh, a farmer, was among the crowd that day as Mr. Kovind asked villagers to keep patience when they bombarded him with demands and appeals. “Things will improve gradually, he told us. ‘I am Bihar Governor, but I will appeal the U.P. CM to address your grievances’ he told us,” Ranbir Singh said.
Mr. Kovind’s immediate family lives with him in Delhi and Patna. His surviving brother Pyarelal and the deceased Shivbalak Ram’s families live in Jhinjhak town, some 30 km from Paraukh. Another brother is based in Guna in Madhya Pradesh.
Hemlata Kovind, the daughter of Shivbalak Ram, is ecstatic at the prospect of her uncle becoming the President. “He was always of a friendly nature. He taught us to never seek rewards but to toil selflessly. The fruits will come, he would say. Perhaps god heard him,” Hemalata said.
Sixty-km away from Paraukh, in Kanpur’s Kalyanpur, is situated Mr. Kovind’s current residence in U.P. “Sada jeevan uccha vichar (simple life, lofty ideals),” said Pradeep Rathod, the caretaker of the bungalow, describing Mr. Kovind’s virtues. “His behaviour has not changed over the years. Each time he comes here he speaks to us like a family member. There are no political statements,” Mr. Rathod said. Interestingly, the board outside the house still describes Mr. Kovind as an MP.
